Comparing the way that Karl Marx and Max Weber perceive social classes Term Paper

Comparing the way that Karl Marx and Max Weber perceive social classes - Term Paper Example Marx famously reduced historical development to a function of economics, depicted as a struggle between the proletariat or working classes and the bourgeoisie as owners of the means of production. In contrasting modern capitalist societies with feudal systems, Marx taught a historical dynamic of evolution of culture through the political economics of inequality he viewed as a repeating cycle in cultures. Marx tended to view artistic, cultural, and religious sentiment as expressed by societies and individuals as also strictly determinant terms and reflective of the political economy. That this critique was influential in Weber’s time is shown through workers’ organizations, labor movements and student radicalism as experienced across all of Germany and most of Europe following the publication of Marx’s political economics and call to communist / socialist revolution. However, historical conflict exists between Marx, Engels, and the Social Democratic Party in Germany with regard to what the founders viewed as the party’s adoption of views and policies that compromised the worker’s movement and revolutionary struggle while appealing to its force. It is in these ideological reforms of Marxism that were introduced by the SDP in Germany historically, creating a more mainstream Socialism that could be integrated into the western democratic political system without worker’s revolution, that it is necessary to view the differences between Karl Marx and Max Weber’s theories of class. â€Å"There can be no doubt whatever that what interests all internationalists most is the state of affairs among the German Social-Democratic opposition. Official German Social-Democracy, which was the strongest and the leading party in the Second International, struck the heaviest blow at the international workers’ organisation. But at the same time, it was in German Social-Democracy that the strongest opposition was found... The split in the present-day

Criminological Theories Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Criminological Theories - Assignment Example Personal opinion as to whether the police department would consider genetic findings as important is incorporated. Likewise, the dangers of the possibility of criminal genes are expounded with personal ideas. The consequences of criminal gene in the criminal justice if proven to be true were also explained. Introduction When an ordinary person commits a crime, people usually do not care but when a celebrity shop lifts, the whole story spreads like fire and speculators begin to dissect the cause of such action. This is because it is unbelievable for celebrated individuals to behave in such manner. Experts also agree with their belief that well known people will not carry out such petty crime to ruin their long established reputation. They hold on to the idea that the genetic makeup of the person might have been involved in the act. Less clear however is the role of genes in the commission of the crime. Addressing the following questions suggests that genes are responsible. Discuss the merits of the idea that genetics are a source for criminal behavior There had been considerable evidence that genes are implicated in the criminal behavior in some individuals for the past several years. ... They also disclosed that not only males with high testosterone demonstrate aggressiveness but females as well. Hostility is observed in females with high levels of saliva measurement. Apart from this, females demonstrate a pattern of aggressiveness and irritability during their menstrual period. In fact, about 70% of crimes committed by women were executed during their premenstrual period or before the onset of their menstruation. Hormones are known to exert strong influence on both conscious and unconscious behavior because it induces brain events prompting the individual to behave in certain ways. Another study also pointed the role of MOA-A genes in behavior. Genes carrying a repeat in 3 alleles is strongly identified to precipitate criminal behavior however has to interplay with psychosocial factors (Nilsson et al. 2006). Twin studies also support the declaration that genetics increases the risk of criminal behavior. The study of Mednick, Gabrielli, and Hutchings (1987) provided an interesting finding of both dizygotic and monozygotic twins. Although there is a slight difference in the percentage of criminal tendency between identical and fraternal twins, their study of more than three thousand twin pairs in Denmark affirmed that twin pairs inherit the criminal characteristics of their biological parents. Identical twins accounts for 52% risk from criminal behavior while fraternal twins showed about 22% vulnerability. It was also reported that adoptees whose fathers are convicted of certain crime have high proportion of criminal behavior despite the non divulgence of parents to the adoptees regarding their crime compared with children whose fathers do not have criminal records. Other similar studies on identical twins

Looking At How Children Are Affected By Alcohol Social Work Essay

Looking At How Children Are Affected By Alcohol Social Work Essay The aim of this project is to consider literature and research in Northern Ireland, the UK and worldwide surrounding the relationship between alcohol problems and parenting capacity. Alongside this I wish to map existing service provision for children who are parented by a caregiver who has an alcohol problem and draw on recommendations made by the research evidence. I will highlight relevant Policy and Legislation in relation to reducing risk to children via the Hidden Harm Government report. The implications of this report will be discussed in relation to service provision and the Northern Ireland response. Substance misuse has a clear and direct impact on those connected to the misuse.. the biggest indirect impact is often felt by the children or young people (HHAP, DHSSPSNI, 2008: 2). Nevertheless Kearney et al (2000) in Hayden (2004) point out that the issue is underestimated and insufficiently recognised in social work caseloads. Approximately 250,000 350,000 UK children have a parent with an alcohol problem (Alcohol Concern, 2000). Parental alcohol misuse is associated with a greater occurrence of emotional and behavioural problems throughout childhood and into adulthood (Kroll and Taylor, 2003). According to evidence from Tunnard (2002) social work caseloads have seen parental alcohol problems feature significantly for some time, with around a quarter to a third of allocated cases being families with parental substance misuse (Forrester and Harwin, 2008). Parental functioning may be affected either whilst the parent is intoxicated, hung over or pre-occupied with sourcing their next drink, making them physically and/or emotionally unavailable to the child (Beckett, 2007). At the acute end of the spectrum, substance misuse is over-represented in cases of severe abuse and child death (Reder and Duncan, 1999, in Forrester Harwin, 2006). To analyse the impact parental drinking problems have on children I will explore literature and research from both international and UK perspectives. However it should be noted that methodological weaknesses were evident in some of the studies. For example, there was less focus on womens drinking patterns and it was difficult to comment on pre-schoolers as children were collectively grouped together. Tunnard (2002) notes how there are more UK studies regarding drug than alcohol problems. Scaife (2008) notes how many studies referred to substance misuse rather than drug or alcohol, making it difficult to separate the two and how research ignored fathers at times, focusing gender specifically on mothers. Many studies were also carried out on small numbers of families who had volunteered to participate, this therefore does not account for involuntary service users or those who have not yet recognised their drinking to be problematic. A single definition of alcohol problem is unclear in many studies making comparison between them problematic. Nevertheless, what is clear from the literature is that parenting coupled with an alcohol problem can result in damaging outcomes for children in terms of emotional development and behaviour (Kroll and Taylor, 2003). Misuse of alcohol by parents places children at increased risk of serious harm. It does not follow that such harm is inevitable (Forrester Harwin, 2008: 1520). What I therefore want to avoid suggesting in this project is that misusing alcohol does not automatically infer poor parenting. To do so would serve to reinforce the oppression faced by those with alcohol problems and further heighten barriers to engagement with addiction services. Prevalence of the problem Research by DHSSPS (2008) uncovered that in Northern Ireland 72% of adults drink alcohol, 62% of which drink at least once weekly. 8% of drinkers consume alcohol daily or almost daily, however only 4% identify themselves as heavy drinkers. Local information is limited but it is estimated that one in eleven children in the UK are living with someone who has an alcohol problem and as the result of parental substance misuse approximately 70% of young people are looked after and 40% are on the child protection register and (HHAP, DHSSPSNI, 2008). Brisby et al (1997) propose that approximately 35,000 children in Northern Ireland are living with a parent who is a problematic drinker, with 800,000 in Wales and England and 85,000 children in Scotland. Throughout the United Kingdom, alcohol is readily available and is a socially accepted pastime in peoples lives. Alcohol Concern (2009) reports that due to most adult problem drinkers being part of a wider family the likelihood of this negatively impinging on children is excessive as it is estimated that 1.3 million children are affected. Dore et al (1995) in Hayden (2004) estimate that between fifty to eighty percent of parents known to social services in the USA experience problems with substance misuse. However, it should be noted that differences exist in the treatment of addiction in the UK and USA as the former is focused on Harm reduction social models with the latter being exceptionally disease oriented (Scaife, 2008). This literature review aims to: Investigate what bearing a parental drink problem has on children. Consider the effects on childrens overall development, by studying literature from a sociological and psychological perspective. Examine literature from Northern Ireland, the UK and international sources to establish the influence a parental drink problem can have on a childs well being. Analyse the Government response to families of problematic drinkers by inspecting Northern Ireland and UK policy. Summarise services provided to meet the needs of problem drinkers, identify gaps in current practice and make evidence based proposals for meeting such need. Tunnard (2002) establishes that throughout research there is a clear message that parental problematic drinking is capable of resulting in behavioural, developmental and emotional effects on children. Being placed in an addictions team last year ignited my interest in how alcohol impacts on the entire family and during my final placement learning opportunity in family and child cares Gateway service I found parental problematic drinking to be commonplace amongst new referrals. This, coupled with previous personal experience provided me with a desire to gain a full understanding of the bearing this has on children. I anticipate that this piece of work will enhance my insight in the area and better prepare me for pursuing a Family and Child Care social work role. Alcohol problem in context Various terms are utilised in relation to the concept alcohol problem which causes concern due to the creation of overlap. Tunnard (2002) observes that many studies combine alcohol and drug misuse into the broad term substance misuse. However what does explain the issue well is Tunnards, (2002:8) definition: consumption of alcoholic drink that warrants attention because it seriously and repeatedly affects the drinkers behaviour. Recommended daily quantity guidelines have little bearing as it is not quantity which leads to the repeated affect on behaviour. The American Psychiatric Association utilises the definition of: the maladaptive pattern of use leading to clinically significant impairment or distress characterised by the display at anytime during a one year period of one or more of a specified set of symptoms (Tunnard, 2002:8). Laybourn (1996) studied parental drinking patterns and assessed the effects on the children, finding opportunistic drinking and binge drinking to be the most challenging to families; these most affect routines and parental availability (Tunnard, 2002). Cultural Historical perspectives Bancroft (2007) argues that to address alcohol problems effectively through practice and policy we first need to consider historical and cultural dynamics. Alcohol, which was referred to in biblical times and before, has undoubtedly been a feature of society since the beginning of time (Room et al, 2005a). It is evident that all societies make use of intoxicating substances, with alcohol being used as a social activity (SIRC, 2000). Norwegian research by Skog, (2006) points to the fact that alcohol has been a feature in most cultures since time began despite its consumption varying over the years due to periods of prohibition through the 19th and early 20th centuries. Indeed, the cornerstone of civilisation- agriculture was thought to be utilised in order to harvest grain for the production of beer as much as for bread (SIRC, 2000). The pervasiveness of problematic drinking is not thought to be directly related to consumption. One only has to enter a public house in Northern Ireland on a Friday or Saturday night to observe countless people using alcohol to socialise and drink well above the recommended levels when doing so. The difference being that the majority of these people can control over their intake and can choose to stop in the morning. Marmot (2004) points out that there has been a 50% rise in alcohol consumption over the past 50 years, with approximately 25% of the British population drinking more than recommended levels. It is evident that there has been a rise in the trend to consume alcohol, with problems in connection to drinking including self-harm, suicide, early mortality, homelessness, crime and mental health problems. The National Health Service information centre (2009) reported that the complete household spending on alcohol rose by 86% from 1992 to 2007. Following this period alcohol was 7 5% more affordable than in the eighties, highlighting the trend of it being increasingly affordable and prevalent. Heath (1998) purports that in countries similar to Ireland where there is a high incidence of people experiencing social and psychiatric problems the intake of alcohol is relatively low. However when compared to Italy or France where alcohol use alcohol is high, social and psychiatric problems are less prevalent. Heath (1998) also points to cross-cultural research which implies that behaviours demonstrated as a consequence of alcohol consumption are shaped by cultural and social aspects rather than the chemical effects of alcohol (SIRC, 2000). Difficulties problem drinkers encounter are therefore not necessarily as a result of the alcohol they consume, but cultural factors relating to societal norms, beliefs, and attitudes towards drinking. In every culture, whilst drinking rules are set in place by Government they remain surrounded by self-imposed norms and regulations regarding who may drink what, when and how (SIRC, 2000). Furthermore alcohol may be used as a sign of status; consi der the idea of vineyards, fine wines and champagne for example. Placing some of the blame for alcohol-related behaviours onto society raises questions about how to tackle the issue effectively. This may mean challenging beliefs about the effects of drinking which would not hold favourably with social work values of respect, empowerment or anti-oppressive practice. Regardless of the apparent correlation between parental substance misuse and child care anxieties, British research on the issue remains extremely limited (Tunnard 2002). Contrastingly, American research on the same topic has been plentiful and is thought to be explained by the rise in the use of Cocaine in the United States throughout the 80s. In many states there was a doubling of children being taken into care between 84 and 89 as a consequence of parental substance misuse (Freundlich, 2000, in Forrester Harwin, 2006). However, it is difficult to apply American conclusions to Britain, as families live in different social circumstances and in varying degrees of poverty. As previously alluded to Americas approach to addiction is disease orientated, largely ignoring external causal factors, in contrast to Britains social model whereby an individuals social context is taken into consideration. Psychological Sociological viewpoints Velleman Templeton (2002) estimate around 8 million families live with the effects of a family drink problem, however Kroll (2004) points out that the needs of children of alcoholics are often invisible. Alcohol presents two faces to the family. One face that is of a beneficial and healthful beverage that fosters warmth and intimacy. The other face is that of a potentially hazardous potion that jeopardises ones family through conflict, violence and deprivation (Leonard Eiden, 2007: 286). Moos (2006) purports that strong attachment to a substance misusing parent may increase the possibility of the behaviour being modelled. Kelley et al (2004) studied American college age men and women and found that those who had alcoholic parents were increasingly likely to have an anxious/avoidant or defensive attachment in later life, additionally having an unavailable parent was though to create repetition of poor relationships in adulthood. Bancroft et al (2004) found that children had an awareness of their familys drinking problem, despite parents believing their children were not aware of their alcohol use. They established that parents felt they were still caring for their children as their material needs such as food and clothing were met, whilst most parents cared about their children they were not caring for them. A Danish study by Christensen (1997) in some ways mirrored Bancrofts in relation to parents thinking their children did not have knowledge of their problem. The children were aware and at times felt in some way responsible; they were unable to identify a support network for themselves and usually did not tell although many wished for a break or some form of respite. Parents went to great lengths to ensure their childs physical needs were met yet failed to see the emotional neglect caused by their drinking. Moe et al (2007) studied American children aged 7 to 13 who attended a programme for children of pr oblem drinkers. They found that children benefited from knowing the truth about their parents problem and addiction in general as this assisted them in feeling less to blame. The young people also related abstinence to being a positive factor in having a good life. A Scottish study (Laybourn et al, 1996) which looked at the perspectives of 20 children who were parented by a problem drinker further confirmed how aware children are of their parents drinking. Children expressed their general sadness, worry and anxiety about their parents alcohol problem and talked of how they witnessed outbursts of drunken violence. Alcohol is a disinhibitor, which can reduce an individuals ability to control violent impulses (Beckett, 2007: 126). Some young people adopted the role of care giver for the parent or for siblings and at times acted as an arbitrator or confidant and they spoke of either being late for school on a regular basis or not attending at all. A number of these children believed they would benefit from meeting other young people in similar circumstances (Laybourn et al, 1996). Velleman (2002) recognises how children may experience psychological and behavioural problems alongside physical effects. Family roles and routines are often disrupted su ch as school attendance, communication, special occasions and meal times. The young person may become the carer, protector or mediator within the family (Tunnard, 2002) and have difficulties in relation to trust. It is common for children to have to grow up too soon and effectively miss out or have unresolved developmental stages due to caring for themselves and siblings whilst parents are unavailable (Kroll Taylor, 1998). Lynskey et al (1994) in a New Zealand study found conclusive evidence suggesting adolescents with problem drinking parents were at increased likelihood of experiencing mental health problems such as depression, anxiety, behaviour problems and are at increased risk of going on to misuse substances themselves. The study pointed to over fifty percent of the participants being affected in one or more of these ways. Further New Zealand research by Connolly et al (1993) found that nine year olds whose parents are problem drinkers displayed greater behavioural problems in school in comparison to their peers and 13 these behaviours manifested themselves at home rather than school. Taylor et als (2008) UK study found that issues of guilt and low self-esteem may result in parents feeling undeserving of treatment as they internalise the negative opinions of others. This in turn has potential to create a negative effect on the welfare of their child(ren) as when parents disengage they may be decreasing the help their child receives. Social learning theory proposes how a parents problematic drinking may affect their child: Substance use originates in the substance-specific attitudes and behaviours of the adults and peers who serve as an individuals role models Moos (2006:183). In addition, Parental alcohol use predicts youngsters beliefs in the positive effects of alcohol, which is associated with earlier initiation of alcohol use and subsequent alcohol misuse Moos (2006:185). Vellemen Orford (1999) point out that the problems children face at home may be as a result of disharmony and family conflict rather than the parental drinking problem per-se. Children can feel responsible for this discord and powerless in avoiding and controlling the situation (Kroll, 2004). As social workers we need to be aware of how issues such as domestic violence and financial problems may be interconnected with an alcohol problem. Between 2004 and 2005 3,442 children called Childline regarding a family alcohol problem (Childline, 2006), 44% of whom primarily cited physical abuse as a result of their parents drinking. Furthermore, children tended to speak about the effect of the alcohol problem such as domestic violence or physical abuse before mentioning alcohol. Childline also reported that many callers were talking about caring for their younger siblings, often missing school to do so. Finances were regularly an issue for these children, particularly as there was not always enough money left over to buy food. They described feelings of confusion, worry and of embarrassment of their parent, evidently focusing on the adults feelings rather than their own. Such feelings have the potential to create social isolation for children as they may fear bringing a friend over to play. Alcohol misuse may be coterminous with, or mask, other deficits in parenting, or other relationship problems. Unless tackled, relapse is likely, even if the programme is initially successful (Sheldon McDonald, 2009: 220). Forrester Harwin (2006) noted the strong relationship between substance misuse and domestic violence with 64% of adults who experience such abuse having a family member who has a problem with alcohol. Velleman Orford (1999) established that children living with parental alcohol misuse are likely to find themselves siding with one parent or another by keeping secrets and are five times more likely than their peers to be pulled into parental disagreements. Although no systematic database exists evidence suggests that children are more likely to live with mothers who have problems drinking. Children reported that the feelings of fear and embarrassment were more evident when the parent was female in comparison to the parent being male (Scaife, 2008). The traditional role of a mother is perceived by society as a nurturing care-giver. As a result many children find it hard to accept the shame and embarrassment of their mother having an alcohol problem and can feel let down as a result (Bancroft et al, 2004). In addition, Bancrofts Scottish study (2004) concludes that children had mixed feelings of pity and anger in relation to their parents. Their voices indicated elements of abuse and neglect, coupled with violence, school disruption, unpredictability, role reversal and parental absence. Many young people were cooking for themselves and caring for siblings on a regular basis. Bancroft et al (2004) found that this group of children found Y oung Carers Groups a source of support. Taylor et al (2008) also observed children taking on parenting roles in their UK study. Forrester Harwins (2008) study drew the conclusion that children who were not removed from the family home had poorer outcomes (39%) compared to those who were removed (56%). They also found that girls tended to be more resilient than boys who had a tendency to internalise problems. Children of alcoholics can develop coping strategies and resiliency (Fraser et al, 2008) and go on to look forward to a bright future: while parental drug/alcohol use can fracture parent-child relationships, the damage need not be permanent if parents can resolve their substance-use problems (Fraser et al, 2008: 18). Fraser et al found that many children in their UK study saw Social Workers as important people; keeping their word and believing in the children was highly valued. Parents in this study recognised the damage to their children to include withdrawal, poor school attendance, and behavioural problems; they stated how social services need to provide adequate training for staff in recognising the effects of substance misuse. They cited family upbringing, peer influence and/or specific traumas and tragedies in their lives as triggering their drinking problem. A North American study by Tracy Martin (2007) conclude that children are a motivating factor in parents seeking help, with many being supported by their children aged 6 to 11. Forrester Harwin (2008) noted that in studying 100 families, where minor or decreasing levels of alcohol misuse was evident, children remained in the family home and care proceedings began much sooner with drug misuse compared to alcohol misuse. This highlights the somewhat lenient view society and in turn, social services have on alcohol. It is perceived as normal to utilise alcohol for social purposes, indeed Room (2005b) argues that alcohol holds a high status, for example in the UK or USA speaking of a champagne reception elicits thoughts of pro-social behaviour. Policy Legislation The Children Act (2004) and The Children (NI) Order (1995) established concepts of Child in Need and Significant Harm, highlighting a Trusts legal obligation to identify such notions and safeguard a childs welfare through the provision of services to families. However the pertinent deliberation in all family alcohol misuse cases is not to lose sight of the fact that the welfare of the child is paramount. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) ensures that the paramountcy principle is upheld and affords children the opportunity for their voice to be heard. Since the Children Act was implemented the UK has focused social services input on supporting families. The implications of which are apparent in Supporting the Families (1998), Every Child Matters (DfES, 2003), Every Child Matters: Next Steps (DfES, 2004) and Every Child Matters: Change for Children (DfES, 2004). These Green papers set out a National framework for meeting the needs of children, supporting families, foc using on prevention and minimising risk. Murray Shenker (2009) argue that despite these Every Child Matters papers endeavouring to protect and sustain child welfare, policy still fails to acknowledge the distressing influence on family members. In addition, Murray Shenker further argue that Englands Harm reduction strategy overlooks the need to respond to families affected by problem drinking; instead focusing individually on the drinker. Although being criticised for over-focusing on dugs rather than alcohol, the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs Hidden Harm report (2003) recognises how Children deserve to be helped as individuals in their own right (Hidden Harm, 2003:18). Its key messages include acknowledging that services need to work together, treating the parent will benefit the child and that substance misuse affects children of all ages. It recommends that decreasing harm should be the objective of policy and practice and that prompt identification of affected children should be a priority. In addition it stresses the importance of multi-agency collaboration and joint training and resources. Local government have begun to recognise the need to tackle alcohol problems and have generated a Regional action plan: The New Strategic Direction (NSD, 2006-2011) for alcohol and drugs, the overall aim being to reduce drug and alcohol related harm in Northern Ireland. A particular feature of the New Strategic Direction (NSD) is the identification of two themes. These are: children, young people and families and adults, carers and the general public. DHSSPS (2006, NSD: 1.6.1). A further important objective is to ensure that adult addiction services work in collaboration with childrens services to provide a shared policy agenda to improve the lives of young people living with substance misusing parents or carers. The Northern Ireland report- our children and Young people, our shared responsibilities (2006) saw the inspection and consequent reform of child protection services and implementation of Regional Safeguarding boards. Relevant recommendations further highlighted a need for increased inter-agency strategies responding to alcohol and drug misuse and its impact on children. It points to the need for increased inter-agency training and the importance of engaging and consulting with children and families. The 10year Northern Ireland strategy- Our children and Young People, our pledge (2006) identified 6 outcomes expected for all children, including safety and stability which are important factors to be considered when working with young people affected by alcohol in the family. Service User Perspectives Throughout the research, there were various harrowing quotes from children demonstrating their feelings towards their parents which go some way in summarising what they are going through. For example: My mom always told me, You dont tell anyone about what goes on at home, if you tell anybody you wont be living with me anymore so I never told. My life seems like one big secret. Its hard to trust people now (Murray, 1998: 526). A young girl aged 8 goes on to state: I would love my mum to stop drinking but I know she wont (HHAP, DHSSPSNI, 2008: 4) A mother agrees: There should be more family type services addiction affects everyone in the family and this needs addressing (HHAP, DHSSPSNI 2008: 4) I grew up feeling ashamed, frightened, lost, guilty and lonely; feeling unconfident, unsafe, unlistened to, unprotected, unloved, unlovable; feeling there was no-one there, inside or out. (The words of actress Geraldine James: Guardian extract, McVeigh (2010) Through my placement in Family and Childcares Gateway Service it was evident that alcohol was a feature of many referrals. Two service users I worked with spoke of how they had been affected by a family drinking problem. Ms A was removed from the care of her parents in her early teens as they both had problems with alcohol, resulting in Ms A experiencing neglect. She told me of how poor her home circumstances were and how, looking back, she could not believe how long social services permitted her and her siblings to live there. Nevertheless she spoke very warmly of her mother and how of much of an effect her death had on her. Ms Ms husband had a severe alcohol problem and still does; she divorced him when her youngest children were born but recognises the impact his behaviour had on her older children. Ms M experienced domestic violence when he was drunk which was witnessed by the older children. She states how clearly she can see the difference in her older and younger children due to them not having had their father present in their lives. She talked to me about how he would disappear for days, sometimes weeks, leaving her and the children worrying about his whereabouts. Local and Regional Resources There are a number of services and resources operating throughout the voluntary and statutory sectors in Northern Ireland and the UK which aim to support problem drinkers and their families. In order to better prepare workers, Eastern Board training Taking the Lid off supplies staff with training on examining the effects of addiction on the entire family. Trust Community Addictions Teams also utilise Taking the Lid off booklets to assist problem drinking parents in seeing the problem from the perspective of other family members. Service users may be referred to in-patient treatment at Downshire hospital or Carlisle House, for example. Whilst the focus of these resources is on getting specialised help for the parents, as pointed out in the regional HHAP (DHSSPSNI, 2008), assisting them will in turn help the children. AA meetings and Trust addiction team group work programmes afford parents the opportunity to meet with others in the same circumstances and provide a mechanism for workin g through their issues. The Dunlewey centre offers some support and counselling for children, alongside working with their parents on the Key to Change Programme. A book called Rory has been launched by ASCERT, Barnardos, SE Trust and Public Health agencies (BBC News, 2010). This aims to raise awareness of the issues of drinking in the family home and demonstrates to children that it is all right to talk about it. The Barnardos PHAROS service operates in The Eastern Board area, working on supporting and treating families affected by substance misuse, whilst the Dove House Hidden harm project supports children by offering respite and resilience work. The Ego project in the Western Board supports young people at risk of hidden harm via one to one counselling. Within the Eastern board, EDACT operates sub group meetings to allow representatives from voluntary and statutory addiction services to discuss concerning issues and prevent overlap of services. Alateen operates in the UK and Ireland for young people age d 12-17, allowing them to share their familiarity of living with a family member or friend who has an alcohol problem. The regional headquarters is based in Lisburn, with services including a helpline and meetings, sponsored by AA members. Despite these services showing signs of beginning to understand the needs of children it is evident that the focus remains on the adult receiving help. For the majority of services the parents need to be identified and engage with services themselves in order for the children to avail of any assistance. In addition it was clear whilst talking to Social Workers in Gateway that awareness levels need to be raised regarding the type of services available to children and the importance of recognising the effects on them. Whilst the provision of services is essential, Zohhadi et al (2004) point out a number of potential barriers to family engagement with treatment including a lack of parental recognition of their problem and insufficient knowledge of available services. Social stigma creates an added element of secrecy resulting in families feeling marginalised. Society negatively stigmatises alcoholics therefore entering treatment may mean further marginalisation (Room, 2005b). Children r isk normalising their parent(s) behaviour and as consent is required to work with them parents may not permit this for fear their child disclosing the full extent problem and being removed by social services. Taylor et al (2008) noted difficulties in engaging children if parents do not consent and how engagement can lead to the parent feeling labelled. Recommendations and Conclusions It is apparent from the reviewed literature that being parented by a problem drinker has a variety of psycho-social effects on children. A more holistic, systems approach needs to be employed whilst supporting families as other issues tend to take preference ov

Why the British Government decided to colonise Botany Bay :: essays research papers fc

â€Å"Why did the British Government decide to colonise Botany Bay? In the evaluation of why Britain colonised Botany Bay, Australia, one can draw on many conclusions. When the First Fleet arrived at Botany Bay in January 1788, little did they realise that for years to come historians would be contesting the real reasons as to why the British Parliament planned to establish a colony in Botany Bay. The Botany Bay debate, as it has been known to be called, began among historians in the 1950’s when Geoffrey Blainey said that it was colonised for strategic motives#. These motives included such plans as there was a plant nursery to be established on Norfolk Island and Australia was to become a flax farm and a market garden that was to be surrounded by goal walls; there had been a failure of the growing of flax and pine on Norfolk Island, this at first had been very promising; and that flax and timber were vital to Britains economy as explained by the British Politicians in many letters. Along with Blainey’s argument came another debate, this being that Botany Bay, was colonised as it was a good outpost for trading purposes. The traditional view in the debate was that Botany Bay was the chosen place for the convict population and it is this traditional view that my argument will follow. The idea of establishing a colony in Botany Bay started with the â€Å"Matra’s Proposal†# in August 1783. Matra’s idea was that there was a possibility of a new colony of the Americans who had remained loyal to Britain during the War of Independence, this idea being rejected by all. Botany Bay was then seen as a solution to the ever growing number of filled rotting convict hulks along the River Thames and the overpopulated goals. The proposal for the establishment of the new colony being â€Å"Heads of Plan†# addressed the effective disposal of the convicts to the new colony. With Britain continuing to send convicts to Australia for many decades, the cost involved in transporting the convicts would be greatly decreased and it would be better than dealing with the problem of the overcrowded hulks and goals in England and the costs associated with feeding the convicts etc. Up until 1776 Britain had been transporting convicts to the American colonies but this practice was stopped with the outbreak of the American War of Independence.

An Introduction to Genre Theory Essay

An Introduction to Genre Theory Daniel Chandler 1. The problem of definition A number of perennial doubts plague genre theory. Are genres really ‘out there’ in the world, or are they merely the constructions of analysts? Is there a finite taxonomy of genres or are they in principle infinite? Are genres timeless Platonic essences or ephemeral, time-bound entities? Are genres culturebound or transcultural?†¦ Should genre analysis be descriptive or proscriptive? (Stam 2000, 14) The word genre comes from the French (and originally Latin) word for ‘kind’ or ‘class’. The term is  widely used in rhetoric, literary theory, media theory, and more recently linguistics, to refer to a distinctive type of ‘text’*. Robert Allen notes that ‘for most of its 2,000 years, genre study has been primarily nominological and typological in function. That is to say, it has taken as its principal task the division of the world of literature into types and the naming of those types – much as the botanist divides the realm of flora into varieties of plants’ (Allen 1989, 44). As will be seen, however, the analogy with biological classification into genus and species misleadingly suggests a ‘scientific’ process. Since classical times literary works have been classified as belonging to general types which were variously defined. In literature the broadest division is between poetry, prose and drama, within which there are further divisions, such as tragedy and comedy within the category of drama. Shakespeare referred satirically to classifications such as ‘tragedy, comedy, history, pastoral, pastoral-comical, historical-pastoral, tragical-historical, tragical-comicalhistorical-pastoral†¦ ‘ (Hamlet II ii). In The Anatomy of Criticism the formalist literary theorist Northrop Frye (1957) presented certain universal genres and modes  as the key to organizing the entire literary corpus. Contemporary media genres tend to relate more to specific forms than to the universals of tragedy and comedy. Nowadays, films are routinely classified (e. g. in television listings magazines) as ‘thrillers’, ‘westerns’ and so on – genres with which every adult in modern society is familiar. So too with television genres such as ‘game shows’ and ‘sitcoms’. Whilst we have names for countless genres in many media, some theorists have argued that there are also many genres (and sub-genres) for which we have no names (Fowler 1989, 216; Wales 1989, 206). Carolyn Miller  suggests that ‘the number of genres in any society†¦ depends on the complexity and diversity of society’ (Miller 1984, in Freedman & Medway 1994a, 36). The classification and hierarchical taxonomy of genres is not a neutral and ‘objective’ procedure. There are no undisputed ‘maps’ of the system of genres within any medium (though literature may perhaps lay some claim to a loose consensus). Furthermore, there is often considerable theoretical disagreement about the definition of specific genres. ‘A genre is ultimately an abstract conception rather than something that exists empirically in the world,’  notes Jane Feuer (1992, 144). One theorist’s genre may be another’s sub-genre or even super-genre (and indeed what is technique, style, mode, formula or thematic grouping to one may be treated as a genre by another). Themes, at least, seem inadequate as a basis for defining genres since, as David Bordwell notes, ‘any theme may appear in any genre’ (Bordwell 1989, 147). He asks: ‘Are animation and documentary films genres or modes? Is the filmed play or comedy performance a genre? If tragedy and comedy are genres, perhaps then domestic tragedy or slapstick is a formula’. In  passing, he offers a useful inventory of categories used in film criticism, many of which have been accorded the status of genres by various commentators: Grouping by period or country (American films of the 1930s), by director or star or producer or writer or studio, by technical process (Cinemascope films), by cycle (the ‘fallen women’ films), by series (the 007 movies), by style (German Expressionism), by structure (narrative), by ideology (Reaganite cinema), by venue (‘drive-in movies’), by purpose (home movies), by audience (‘teenpix’), by subject or theme (family film, paranoid-politics movies). (Bordwell 1989, 148) Another film theorist, Robert Stam, also refers to common ways of categorizing films: While some genres are based on story content (the war film), other are borrowed from literature (comedy, melodrama) or from other media (the musical). Some are performer-based (the Astaire-Rogers films) or budget-based (blockbusters), while others are based on artistic status (the art film), racial identity (Black cinema), locat[ion] (the Western) or sexual orientation (Queer cinema). (Stam 2000, 14). Bordwell concludes that ‘one could†¦ argue that no set of necessary and sufficient conditions can  mark off genres from other sorts of groupings in ways that all experts or ordinary film-goers would find An Introduction to Genre Theory acceptable’ (Bordwell 1989, 147). Practitioners and the general public make use of their own genre labels (de facto genres) quite apart from those of academic theorists. We might therefore ask ourselves ‘Whose genre is it anyway? ‘ Still further problems with definitional approaches will become apparent in due course. Defining genres may not initially seem particularly problematic but it should already be apparent that it is a theoretical minefield. Robert Stam identifies four key problems with generic labels (in relation to film): extension (the breadth or narrowness of labels); normativism (having preconceived ideas of criteria for genre membership); monolithic definitions (as if an item belonged to only one genre); biologism (a kind of essentialism in which genres are seen as evolving through a standardized life cycle) (Stam 2000, 128129). Conventional definitions of genres tend to be based on the notion that they constitute particular conventions of content (such as themes or settings) and/or form (including structure and style) which  are shared by the texts which are regarded as belonging to them. Alternative characterizations will be discussed in due course. The attempt to define particular genres in terms of necessary and sufficient textual properties is sometimes seen as theoretically attractive but it poses many difficulties. For instance, in the case of films, some seem to be aligned with one genre in content and another genre in form. The film theorist Robert Stam argues that ‘subject matter is the weakest criterion for generic grouping because it fails to take into account how the subject is treated’ (Stam 2000, 14). Outlining a fundamental problem of  genre identification in relation to films, Andrew Tudor notes the ’empiricist dilemma’: To take a genre such as the ‘western’, analyze it, and list its principal characteristics, is to beg the question that we must first isolate the body of films which are ‘westerns’. But they can only be isolated on the basis of the ‘principal characteristics’ which can only be discovered from the films themselves after they have been isolated. (Cited in Gledhill 1985, 59) It is seldom hard to find texts which are exceptions to any given definition of a particular genre. There are no ‘rigid rules of inclusion and exclusion’ (Gledhill 1985, 60). ‘Genres†¦ are not discrete systems, consisting of a fixed number of listable items’ (ibid. , 64). It is difficult to make clear-cut distinctions between one genre and another: genres overlap, and there are ‘mixed genres’ (such as comedy-thrillers). 2 Specific genres tend to be easy to recognize intuitively but difficult (if not impossible) to define. Particular features which are characteristic of a genre are not normally unique to it; it is their relative prominence, combination and functions which are distinctive (Neale 1980, 22-3). It is easy to underplay the differences within a genre. Steve Neale declares  that ‘genres are instances of repetition and difference’ (Neale 1980, 48). He adds that ‘difference is absolutely essential to the economy of genre’ (ibid. , 50): mere repetition would not attract an audience. Tzvetan Todorov argued that ‘any instance of a genre will be necessarily different’ (cited in Gledhill 1985, 60). John Hartley notes that ‘the addition of just one film to the Western genre†¦ changes that genre as a whole – even though the Western in question may display few of the recognized conventions, styles or subject matters traditionally associated with its genre’ (O’Sullivan et al. 1994). The issue of difference also  highlights the fact that some genres are ‘looser’ more open-ended in their conventions or more permeable in their boundaries – than others. Texts often exhibit the conventions of more than one genre. John Hartley notes that ‘the same text can belong to different genres in different countries or times’ (O’Sullivan et al. 1994, 129). Hybrid genres abound (at least outside theoretical frameworks). Van Leeuwen suggests that the multiple purposes of journalism often lead to generically heterogeneous texts (cited in Fairclough 1995, 88). Norman Fairclough suggests that mixed-genre texts are far from uncommon in the mass media (Fairclough 1995, 89). Some media may encourage more generic diversity: Nicholas Abercrombie notes that since ‘television comes at the audience as a flow of programmes, all with different generic conventions, means that it is more difficult to sustain the purity of the genre in the viewing experience’ (Abercrombie 1996, 45; his emphasis). Furthermore, in any medium the generic classification of certain texts may be uncertain or subject to dispute. Contemporary theorists tend to describe genres in terms of ‘family resemblances’ among texts (a notion derived from the philosopher Wittgenstein) rather than definitionally (Swales 1990, 49). An individual text within a genre rarely if ever has all of the characteristic features of the genre (Fowler 1989, 215). The family resemblance approaches involves the theorist illustrating similarities between some of the texts within a genre. However, the family resemblance approach has been criticized on the basis that ‘no choice of a text for illustrative purposes is innocent’ (David Lodge, cited in Swales 1990, 50), and that such theories can make any text seem to resemble any other one (Swales 1990, 51). In addition to the definitional and family resemblance approach, there is  An Introduction to Genre Theory another approach to describing genres which is based on the psycholinguistic concept of prototypicality. According to this approach, some texts would be widely regarded as being more typical members of a genre than others. According to this approach certain features would ‘identify the extent to which an exemplar is prototypical of a particular genre’ (Swales 1990, 52). Genres can therefore be seen as ‘fuzzy’ categories which cannot be defined by necessary and sufficient conditions. How we define a genre depends on our purposes;  the adequacy of our definition in terms of social science at least must surely be related to the light that the exploration sheds on the phenomenon. For instance (and this is a key concern of mine), if we are studying the way in which genre frames the reader’s interpretation of a text then we would do well to focus on how readers identify genres rather than on theoretical distinctions. Defining genres may be problematic, but even if theorists were to abandon the concept, in everyday life people would continue to categorize texts. John Swales does note that ‘a discourse community’s nomenclature for genres is an  important source of insight’ (Swales 1990, 54), though like many academic theorists he later adds that such genre names ‘typically need further validation’ (ibid. , 58). Some genre names would be likely to be more widely-used than others: it would be interesting to investigate the areas of popular consensus and dissensus in relation to the everyday labeling of mass media genres. For Robert Hodge and Gunther Kress, ‘genres only exist in so far as a social group declares and enforces the rules that constitute them’ (Hodge & Kress 1988, 7), though it is debatable to  what extent most of us would be able to formulate explicit ‘rules’ for the textual genres we use routinely: much of our genre knowledge is likely to be tacit. In relation to film, Andrew Tudor argued that genre is ‘what we collectively believe it to be’ (though this begs the question about who ‘we’ are). Robert Allen comments wryly that ‘Tudor even hints that in order to establish what audiences expect a western to be like we might have to ask them’ (Allen 1989, 47). Swales also alludes to people having ‘repertoires of genres’ (Swales 1990, 58), which I would argue would also be likely to repay  investigation. However, as David Buckingham notes, ‘there has hardly been any empirical research on the ways in which real audiences might understand genre, or use this understanding in making sense of specific texts’ (Buckingham 1993, 137). Steve Neale stresses that ‘genres are not systems: they are processes of systematization’ (Neale 1980, 51; my emphasis; cf. Neale 1995, 463). Traditionally, genres (particularly literary genres) tended to be regarded 3 as fixed forms, but contemporary theory emphasizes that both their forms and functions are dynamic. David Buckingham argues that ‘genre is not†¦ simply â€Å"given† by the culture: rather, it is in a constant process of negotiation and change’ (Buckingham 1993, 137). Nicholas Abercrombie suggests that ‘the boundaries between genres are shifting and becoming more permeable’ (Abercrombie 1996, 45); Abercrombie is concerned with modern television, which he suggests seems to be engaged in ‘a steady dismantling of genre’ (ibid. ) which can be attributed in part to economic pressures to pursue new audiences. One may acknowledge the dynamic fluidity of genres without positing the final demise of genre as an interpretive framework. As the generic corpus ceaselessly expands, genres (and the relationships between them) change over time; the conventions of each genre shift, new genres and sub-genres emerge and others are ‘discontinued’ (though note that certain genres seem particularly long-lasting). Tzvetan Todorov argued that ‘a new genre is always the transformation of one or several old genres’ (cited in Swales 1990, 36). Each new work within a genre has the potential to influence changes within the genre or perhaps the emergence of new sub-genres (which may later blossom into fully-fledged genres). However, such a perspective tends to highlight the role of authorial experimentation in changing genres and their conventions, whereas it is important to recognize not only the social nature of text production but especially the role of economic and technological factors as well as changing audience preferences. The interaction between genres and media can be seen as one of the forces which contributes to changing genres. Some genres are more powerful than others: they differ in the status which is attributed to them by those who produce texts within them and by their audiences. As Tony Thwaites et al. put it, ‘in the interaction and conflicts among genres we can see the connections between textuality and power’ (Thwaites et al. 1994, 104). The key genres in institutions which are ‘primary definers’ (such as news reports in the mass media) help to establish the frameworks within which issues are defined. But genre hierarchies also shift over time, with individual genres constantly gaining and losing different groups of users and relative status. Idealist theoretical approaches to genre which seek to categorize ‘ideal types’ in terms of essential textual characteristics are ahistorical. As a result of  their dynamic nature as processes, Neale argues that definitions of genre ‘are always historically relative, and therefore historically specific’ (Neale 1995, 464). Similarly, Boris Tomashevsky insists that ‘no firm logical classification of genres is possible. Their de- An Introduction to Genre Theory marcation is always historical, that is to say, it is correct only for a specific moment of history’ (cited in Bordwell 1989, 147). Some genres are defined only retrospectively, being unrecognized as such by the original producers and audiences. Genres need to be studied as historical phenomena; a popular focus in  film studies, for instance, has been the evolution of conventions within a genre. Current genres go through phases or cycles of popularity (such as the cycle of disaster films in the 1970s), sometimes becoming ‘dormant’ for a period rather than disappearing. On-going genres and their conventions themselves change over time. Reviewing ‘evolutionary change’ in some popular film genres, Andrew Tudor concludes that it has three main characteristics: First, in that innovations are added to an existent corpus rather than replacing redundant elements, it is cumulative. Second, in that  these innovations must be basically consistent with what is already present, it is ‘conservative’. Third, in that these processes lead to the crystallization of specialist sub-genres, it involves differentiation. (Tudor 1974, 225-6) Tudor himself is cautious about adopting the biological analogy of evolution, with its implication that only those genres which are well-adapted to their functions survive. Christine Gledhill also notes the danger of essentialism in selecting definitive ‘classic’ examples towards which earlier examples ‘evolve’ and after which others ‘decline’ (Gledhill 1985, 59). The cycles and transformations of genres can nevertheless be seen as a response to political, social and economic conditions. Referring to film, Andrew Tudor notes that ‘a genre†¦ defines a moral and social world’ (Tudor 1974, 180). Indeed, a genre in any medium can be seen as embodying certain values and ideological assumptions. Again in the context of the cinema Susan Hayward argues that genre conventions change ‘according to the ideological climate of the time’, contrasting John Wayne westerns with Clint Eastwood as the problematic hero or anti-hero (Hayward 1996, 50). Leo Baudry (cited in Hayward 1996, 162) sees film genres as a barometer of the social and cultural concerns of cinema audiences; Robert Lichter et al. (1991) illustrate how televisual genres reflect the values of the programme-makers. Some commentators see mass media genres from a particular era as reflecting values which were dominant at the time. Ira Konigsberg, for instance, suggests that texts within genres embody the moral values of a culture (Konigsberg 1987, 144-5). And John Fiske asserts that generic conventions ’embody the crucial ideological concerns of the time in which they are popular’ 4 (Fiske 1987, 110). However, Steve Neale stresses that genres may also help to shape such values (Neale 1980, 16). Thwaites et al. see the relationship as reciprocal: ‘a genre develops according to social conditions; transformations in genre and texts can influence and reinforce social conditions’ (Thwaites et al. 1994, 100). Some Marxist commentators see genre as an instrument of social control which reproduces the dominant ideology. Within this perspective, the genre ‘positions’ the audience in order to naturalize the ideologies which are embedded in the text (Feuer 1992, 145). Bernadette Casey comments that ‘recently, structuralists and feminist theorists, among others, have focused on the way in which generically defined structures may operate to construct particular ideologies and values, and to encourage reassuring and conservative interpretations of a given text’ (Casey 193, 312). However, reader-oriented commentators have stressed that people are capable of ‘reading against the grain’. Thomas and Vivian Sobchack note that in the past popular film-makers, ‘intent on telling a story’, were not always aware of ‘the covert psychological and social†¦Ã‚  subtext’ of their own films, but add that modern film-makers and their audiences are now ‘more keenly aware of the myth-making accomplished by film genres’ (Sobchack & Sobchack 1980, 245). Genre can reflect a function which in relation to television Horace Newcombe and Paul Hirsch referred to as a ‘cultural forum’, in which industry and audience negotiate shared beliefs and values, helping to maintain the social order and assisting it in adapting to change (Feuer 1992, 145). Certainly, genres are far from being ideologically neutral. Sonia Livingstone argues, indeed, that ‘different genres are concerned to establish different world views’ (Livingstone 1990, 155). Related to the ideological dimension of genres is one modern redefinition in terms of purposes. In relation to writing, Carolyn Miller argues that ‘a rhetorically sound definition of genre must be centered not on the substance or form of discourse but on the action it is used to accomplish’ (Carolyn Miller 1984, in Freedman & Medway 1994a, 24). Following this lead, John Swales declares that ‘the principal criterial feature that turns a collection of communicative  events into a genre is some shared set of communicative purposes’ (Swales 1990, 46). In relation to the mass media it can be fruitful to consider in relation to genre the purposes not only of the producers of texts but also of those who interpret them (which need not be assumed always to match). A consensus about the primary purposes of some genres (such as news bulletins) – and of their readers – is probably easier to establish than in relation to others (such as westerns), where the very term ‘purpose’ sounds too in- An Introduction to Genre Theory strumental. However, ‘uses and gratifications’ researchers have already conducted investigations into the various functions that the mass media seem to serve for people, and ethnographic studies have offered fruitful insights into this dimension. Miller argues that both in writing and reading within genres we learn purposes appropriate to the genre; in relation to the mass media it could be argued that particular genres develop, frame and legitimate particular concerns, questions and pleasures. Related redefinitions of genre focus more broadly on the relationship between the makers and audiences  of texts (a rhetorical dimension). To varying extents, the formal features of genres establish the relationship between producers and interpreters. Indeed, in relation to mass media texts Andrew Tolson redefines genre as ‘a category which mediates between industry and audience’ (Tolson 1996, 92). Note that such approaches undermine the definition of genres as purely textual types, which excludes any reference even to intended audiences. A basic model underlying contemporary media theory is a triangular relationship between the text, its producers and its interpreters. From the perspective of many recent commentators, genres first and foremost provide frameworks within which texts are produced and interpreted. Semiotically, a genre can be seen as a shared code between the producers and interpreters of texts included within it. Alastair Fowler goes so far as to suggest that ‘communication is impossible without the agreed codes of genre’ (Fowler 1989, 216). Within genres, texts embody authorial attempts to ‘position’ readers using particular ‘modes of address’. Gunther Kress observes that: Every genre positions those who participate in  a text of that kind: as interviewer or interviewee, as listener or storyteller, as a reader or a writer, as a person interested in political matters, as someone to be instructed or as someone who instructs; each of these positionings implies different possibilities for response and for action. Each written text provides a ‘reading position’ for readers, a position constructed by the writer for the ‘ideal reader’ of the text. (Kress 1988, 107) Thus, embedded within texts are assumptions about the ‘ideal reader’, including their attitudes towards the subject matter and often their class, age, gender and ethnicity. Gunther Kress defines a genre as ‘a kind of text that derives its form from the structure of a (frequently repeated) social occasion, with its characteristic participants and their purposes’ (Kress 1988, 183). An interpretative emphasis on genre as opposed 5 to individual texts can help to remind us of the social nature of the production and interpretation of texts. In relation to film, many modern commentators refer to the commercial and industrial significance of genres. Denis McQuail argues that: The genre may be considered as a practical  device for helping any mass medium to produce consistently and efficiently and to relate its production to the expectations of its customers. Since it is also a practical device for enabling individual media users to plan their choices, it can be considered as a mechanism for ordering the relations between the two main parties to mass communication. (McQuail 1987, 200) Steve Neale observes that ‘genres†¦ exist within the context of a set of economic relations and practices’, though he adds that ‘genres are not the product of economic factors as such. The conditions provided by the capitalist economy account neither for the existence of the particular genres that have hitherto been produced, nor for the existence of the conventions that constitute them’ (Neale 1980, 51-2). Economic factors may account for the perpetuation of a profitable genre. Nicholas Abercrombie notes that ‘television producers set out to exploit genre conventions†¦ It†¦ makes sound economic sense. Sets, properties and costumes can be used over and over again. Teams of stars, writers, directors and technicians can be built up, giving economies of scale’ (Abercrombie 1996, 43). He adds that ‘genres permit the creation and maintenance of a loyal audience which becomes used to seeing programmes within a genre’ (ibid. ). Genres can be seen as ‘a means of controlling demand’ (Neale 1980, 55). The relative stability of genres enables producers to predict audience expectations. Christine Gledhill notes that ‘differences between genres meant different audiences could be identified and catered to†¦ This made it easier to standardize and stabilise production’ (Gledhill 1985, 58). In relation to the mass media, genre is part of the process of targeting different market sectors. Traditionally, literary and film critics in particular have regarded ‘generic’ texts (by which they mean ‘formulaic’ texts) as inferior to those which they contend are produced outside a generic framework. Indeed, film theorists frequently refer to popular films as ‘genre films’ in contrast to ‘non-formula films’. Elitist critics reject the ‘generic fiction’ of the mass media because they are commercial products of popular culture rather than ‘high art’. Many harbor the Romantic ideology of the primacy of authorial ‘originality’ and ‘vision’, emphasizing individual style  and artistic ‘self-expression’. In this tradition the An Introduction to Genre Theory artist (in any medium) is seen as breaking the mould of convention. For the Italian aesthetician Benedetto Croce (1866-1952), an artistic work was always unique and there could be no artistic genres. More recently, some literary and film theorists have accorded more importance to genre, counteracting the ideology of authorial primacy (or ‘auteurism’, as it is known in relation to the emphasis on the director in film). Contemporary theorists tend to emphasize the importance of the semiotic notion of intertextuality: of seeing individual texts in relation to others. Katie Wales notes that ‘genre is†¦ an intertextual concept’ (Wales 1989, 259). John Hartley suggests that ‘we need to understand genre as a property of the relations between texts’ (O’Sullivan et al. 1994, 128). And as Tony Thwaites et al. put it, ‘each text is influenced by the generic rules in the way it is put together; the generic rules are reinforced by each text’ (Thwaites et al. 1994, 100). Roland Barthes (1975) argued that it is in relation to other texts within a genre rather than in relation to lived experience that we make sense of certain  events within a text. There are analogies here with schema theory in psychology, which proposes that we have mental ‘scripts’ which help us to interpret 6 familiar events in everyday life. John Fiske offers this striking example: A representation of a car chase only makes sense in relation to all the others we have seen – after all, we are unlikely to have experienced one in reality, and if we did, we would, according to this model, make sense of it by turning it into another text, which we would also understand intertextually, in terms of what we have seen so often on our screens. There is then a cultural knowledge of the concept ‘car chase’ that any one text is a prospectus for, and that it used by the viewer to decode it, and by the producer to encode it. (Fiske 1987, 115) In contrast to those of a traditionalist literary bent who tend to present ‘artistic’ texts as nongeneric, it could be argued that it is impossible to produce texts which bear no relationship whatsoever to established genres. Indeed, Jacques Derrida proposed that ‘a text cannot belong to no genre, it cannot be without†¦ a genre. Every text participates in one or several genres, there is no genre-less text’  (Derrida 1981, 61). Note *In these notes, words such as text, reader and writer are sometimes used as general terms relating to ‘texts’ (and so on) in whatever medium is being discussed: no privileging of the written word (graphocentrism) is intended. Whilst it is hard to find an alternative for the word texts, terms such as makers and interpreters are sometimes used here as terms non-specific to particular media instead of the terms writers and readers. 2. Working within genres John Hartley argues that ‘genres are agents of ideological closure – they limit the meaning-potential  of a given text’ (O’Sullivan et al. 1994, 128). Robert Hodge and Gunther Kress define genres as ‘typical forms of texts which link kinds of producer, consumer, topic, medium, manner and occasion’, adding that they ‘control the behavior of producers of such texts, and the expectations of potential consumers’ (Hodge & Kress 1988, 7). Genres can be seen as constituting a kind of tacit contract between authors and readers. From the traditional Romantic perspective, genres are seen as constraining and inhibiting authorial creativity. However, contemporary theorists, even  within literary studies, typically reject this view (e. g. Fowler 1982: 31). Gledhill notes that one perspective on this issue is that some of those who write within a genre work in creative ‘tension’ with the conventions, attempting a personal inflection of them (Gledhill 1985: 63). From the point of view of the producers of texts within a genre, an advantage of genres is that they can rely on readers already having knowledge and expectations about works within a genre. Fowler comments that ‘the system of generic expectations amounts to a code, by the use of which  (or by departure from which) composition becomes more economical’ (Fowler 1989: 215). Genres can thus be seen as a kind of shorthand serving to increase the ‘efficiency’ of communication. They may even function as a means of preventing a text from dissolving into ‘individualism and incomprehensibility’ (Gledhill 1985: 63). And whilst writing within a genre involves making use of certain ‘given’ conventions, every work within a genre also involves the invention of some new elements. An Introduction to Genre Theory As for reading within genres, some argue that knowledge of genre conventions leads to passive  consumption of generic texts; others argue that making sense of texts within genres is an active process of constructing meaning (Knight 1994). Genre provides an important frame of reference which helps readers to identify, select and interpret texts. Indeed, in relation to advertisements, Varda Langholz Leymore argues that the sense which viewers make of any single text depends on how it relates to the genre as a whole (Langholz Leymore 1975, ix). Key psychological functions of genre are likely to include those shared by categorization generally – such as reducing complexity.

Is The Uk Planning System Sustainable Environmental Sciences Essay

The United Kingdom ( UK ) planning system operates on three grades, national, regional and local planning governments ( Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2005 ) . The Planning and Compulsory Purchase Act 2004 ( PCPA ) was brought into English jurisprudence to rush up the proceedings in the planning system and to do the planning determinations of major developments more â€Å" predictable † as is defined by the explanatory notes to the 2004 Act. The UK planning system operates within the remits of â€Å" sustainable development † , this focuses on three facets societal, economic and environmental. This three prong standards adopted for an already complicated planning system has lead to unfavorable judgments of lucidity, intent and for decelerating down proceedings. In order to objectively measure Bell and McGillvray ‘s statement, â€Å" Section39 of the planning and mandatory purchase act requires all program doing organic structures to exert their maps ‘ with the aim of lending to the accomplishment of sustainable development † . Planing Policy Statement 6 ( PPS 6 ) , Planing for Town Centres, and Planing Policy Statement 9 ( PPS 9 ) , Biodiversity and Geological Conservation, are of critical relevancy to how and whom planning policy statute law is relevant to and as such are reviewed in respects to sustainable development. Sustainable development was the term coined and adopted by authoritiess, be aftering governments and non-government administrations for the development of planning policy and statute law, it â€Å" is the nucleus rule underpinning be aftering â€Å" ( PPS 6, 2003 ) . However there is still troubles in holding an internationally recognized definition, the most widely accepted definition is the publication of the United Nations ( UN ) World Commission on Environments Our Common hereafter ; â€Å" run intoing the demands of the present without compromising the ability of future coevalss to develop. † The subject is to protect the environment from debasement and to advance economic and societal verve. The committedness to the betterment of societal, economic and physical environments is quickly being endorsed by authoritiess around the universe, nevertheless trouble is common in fulfilling all three countries on new developments. In many instances determinations can be argued to hold been inattentive of environmental impacts in favor of economic benefits, alternately it can be argued that environmental sensitiveness has needlessly denied or inflated costs of new developments. The Newbury beltway has been constructed ( Insert snail instance survey ) Planing Policy Statement 6 PPS 6 was issued by the office of the Deputy premier minster in December 2003, it replaced Planing Policy Guidance note 6 and â€Å" has a cardinal function in easing and advancing sustainable and inclusive development † ( PPS 6, 2003 ) . PPS 6 is responsible for the development in town Centres and its primary focal point is on the regeneration and care of verve in town Centres and high streets. Friends of the Earth have critiscised PPS 6 saying it is responsible for â€Å" failure to supply clear counsel to local governments on the demand to keep big format shops † in their 2004 Consultation response Draft Planning Policy Statement Six: Planning for Town Centres. Conflicts in the planning procedure are determined by the consensus on what is more sustainable, but what if there is dissension on what is more sustainable. Subsection 2.6 of PPS 6 provinces â€Å" Larger shops may present benefits for consumers and local planning governments should do proviso for them in th is context † promoting border of town Centre vicinities for such developments. Where as it has besides been argued that larger shops can in fact be damaging to the diverseness and verve of a community, due to larger shops exporting all economic benefits out of their unmoved locations ( Friends of the Earth 2004 ) . This would connote a contradiction between PPS 6 and portion 1 of the 2004 PCPA. Another drawback to PPS 6 is its focal point on economic betterment through sustainable planning. Environmental debasement can non comprehensively be measured in fiscal graduated tables, and as such should non trust on pecuniary compensation as an effectual replacement in a sustainable policy. Planing Policy Statement 9 PPS 9 is responsible for the protection of biodiversity and geological preservation, nevertheless it is capable to controversy as to its precedence in planning policy. Made up of merely 14 paragraphs PPS 9 is the shortest planning policy statement, it has been critisizced as insufficient and equivocal in its capacity to supply clear way for be aftering organic structures ( Wildlife & A ; Countryside Link 2004 ) . The authoritiess aims under PPS 9 are i ) to advance sustainable development two ) to conserve, enhance and reconstruct the diverseness of England ‘s wildlife and geology three ) to lend to rural reclamation and urban Renaissance ( PPS 9 2005 Page 2 ) . The committedness to the preservation of biodiversity is stated as one of the three chief aims of PPS 9, yet the the statement focuses on steps of conserving biodiversity in footings of protection of from debasement or injury. Wildlife & A ; countryside nexus responded to PPS 9 in 2004 saying that it † contains sm all to promote positive planning for biodiversity Restoration and enhancement e.g. habitat creative activity chances † . PPS 9 fails to recognize and show the signifigance of the rate and impact of biodiversity loss at a planetary graduated table and the critical function of be aftering governments and the structuring of regional spacial schemes in footings of these contexts ( Friends of the Earth, 2004 Page 2 ) . A terrible nothingness of consistent information on clime alteration and its impact on biodiversity, one refrence to climate alteration can be found ; â€Å" Over clip the distribution of home grounds and species, and structural procedures and characteristics, will be affected by clime alteration and such alteration will necessitate to be taken into history. † ( Planing Policy Statement 9, 2005. Page 4 ) If biodiversity is to be conserved so a comprehensive model should be provided by authorities on the impacts and suggest agencies for local planning governments to cover with the impacts of clime alteration Wildlife & A ; Countryside Link 2004 ) . Pargraph 10 of PPS 9 refers to the importance of biodiversity in ancient forests and emphasises that â€Å" one time lost it can non be recreated † , as such can non be capable to extenuation steps such as translocation as in the instance of the Desmoulin Whorl snail,1. Advancement for developments that would function to increase the loss of biodiversity is made possible by the get out clause â€Å" unless the demand for, and benefits of, the development in that location outweigh the loss of the forest home ground † ( PPS 9, 2005. Pg 6 ) . This caveate can be seen to promote the development of Sites of Particular Scientific Interest ( SSSI ) , as it undermines the tone of the planning policy statement and the planning already requires the material considerations during the planning application phase ( Woodland Trust, 2004 ) . The Woodland Trust and Ancient Tree Forum requested the remotion of the aforesaid caveate in their 2004 response to PPS 9 proposing it would direct a clearer message about the protection of ancient forest. Decision The mandatory purchase act of 2004 serves to rush up be aftering proceedings and increase determination predictability, subdivision 39 of the act implores be aftering organic structures to keep development in a sustainable form. The effectivity of the mandatory purchase act of 2004 is straight affected by our definition of sustainable development and the precedences of economic, societal and environmental public assistance. The apprehension of sustainable development becomes diluted when applied to the multi-functional environment of suburban town Centres ( Griffiths S. 2008 ) .. Whilst still combative, the in agreement definition of sustainable development provided by UN universe committee on environments is clear in its aim, the more of import issue of what are considered to be acceptable sustainable patterns under planning policy statement should be reviewed with considerations to the responses of be aftering governments and non-governmental administrations. Climate alteration has caught tonss of attending in the political sphere with the most recent acme held in Copenhagen in December 2009, it is surprising so that there is merely one mention to climate alteration in PPS 9 and slightly conspicuous that it is the shortest of all the planning policy statements looking to be a briefly considered topic non built-in to the overall Agenda. The complexness of quantifying the resources provided to society by biodiversity in figures of currency make it a hard rival in for precedence in the political sphere of parliament. However the new system can be seen as a dramatic betterment in turn toing the antecedently vacant model on biodiversity preservation.